This morning’s calling of a snap election in Britain on June 8 strengthens Prime Minister Theresa May's position as Brexit negotiator—and not only in her negotiations with Brussels. "At this moment of enormous national significance, there should be unity here in Westminster," she announced on the steps of 10 Downing Street. "The country is coming together, but Westminster is not."
May understands the division of Westminster from personal experience. She was against Brexit before she was for it. Her foreign secretary, Boris Johnson, was vital to the success of the Leave campaign failed to capitalize upon David Cameron's resignation. Instead May, like John Major in the aftermath of Mrs. Thatcher's resignation, emerged as the candidate who could reunite the party—in other words, a temporary fix.
In 1990, Major defied this placeholder role. He signed the Maastricht Treaty, which set Britain on the path to convergence with the European Union, then won the 1992 general election with the most votes in British election history. Now, May looks set to repeat Major's accomplishment and emerge stronger, but this time to lead Britain out of the EU.
Under the British system, if the governing party changes its leader, then the people get a new prime minister. In 1990, Major did not come to power through a general election, but through a vote of no confidence on Thatcher in the Commons, and the secret balloting of Conservative MPs. In 2007, Labour MPs replaced Tony Blair with Gordon Brown in similar fashion, though Brown failed to win the 2010 general election.
In 2016, May came to power by the same route. She faces the same problems as Major and Brown: At a moment of "enormous national significance," May's democratic legitimacy is not established beyond doubt. In the 650-seat Commons, May inherited from David Cameron an absolute majority of only nine seats, and has a working majority of 17. And her party remains divided, both at Westminster and against itself.
Get the Exclusive
05.02.2024